生成语法视角下汉语“V + 个 + VP/AP”结构的句法生成机制研究

A Study on the Syntactic Derivation Mechanism of the Chinese “V + Ge + VP/AP” Construction from the Perspective of Generative Grammar

摘要: 现代汉语“V + 个 + VP/AP”结构中“个”的语法身份及其句法生成机制历来存在争议。本文以生成语法为理论框架，通过句法分布测试、可插入性对比、共现结构分析等方法，系统考察该结构的句法性质与生成机制。研究发现，“V + 个 + VP/AP”结构中的“个”应分析为量词，其核心依据在于“个”前可补出数词“一”、与动词间可插入体标记“了”和代词“他”、可与补语标记“得”有序共现且分属不同句法层级。“个”与“得”存在本质句法差异，“得”是达成范畴Bec的语音实现形式，属于扩展动词的轻动词，“个”是“个”作为量词短语(ClP)的核心，其后的VP/AP成分是其补足语。“V + 个 + VP/AP”与“V + 得 + VP/AP”共享由致使范畴Caus与达成范畴Bec扩展而成的底层结构，两类结构的表层差异取决于达成范畴Bec是否具有显性语音形式。

Abstract: The grammatical status and syntactic generation mechanism of the classifier “ge” in the Modern Chinese construction V + ge + VP/AP have long been controversial. Within the theoretical framework of Generative Grammar, this paper systematically investigates the syntactic properties and generation mechanism of the construction via syntactic distribution tests, insertability comparison and co-occurrence structure analysis. The study demonstrates that ge in V + ge + VP/AP should be interpreted as a classifier. The core evidences include that the numeral “yi” can be supplemented before ge, the aspect marker “le” and pronoun “ta” can be inserted between the verb and ge, and ge can co-occur orderly with the complement marker de at distinct syntactic levels. There exists an essential syntactic distinction between ge and “de”. As the phonetic realization of the Become category (Bec), de functions as a light verb that extends verbs. By contrast, ge serves as the head of Classifier Phrase (ClP), with the following VP/AP as its complement. Both V + ge + VP/AP and V + de + VP/AP share an underlying structure extended by the Cause category (Caus) and Become category (Bec), and their surface syntactic discrepancies are determined by whether the Bec possesses an overt phonological form.